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Welcome to Vlad's world ! My House is in the middle of the World in Another Russia
Мой Дом -посреди Мира в Другой России
Vlad Vorobev, Russian-English Coach in Moscow
ВАШ НАВИГАТОР С 2005 ГОДА
ПО МУЛЬТИМЕДИА В РУССКО-АНГЛИЙСКОЙ МЕЖКУЛЬТУРНОЙ КОММУНИКАЦИИ В ИНТЕРНЕТЕ
Все ссылки на мультимедиа найдены в открытых источниках в интернете
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В чем моя миссия? Я хочу, чтобы МОЯ РОССИЯ умела говорить с миром на иностранных языках. МОЯ РОССИЯ- это умные, честные люди, зарабатывающие своим трудом, люди, которых бы уважал Чехов. МОЯ РОССИЯ- это не Путин и все его временщики, сидящие на трубе. Я верю, в отличие от Чаадаева, что нас больше, чем их. Мы должны строить вокруг себя СВОЮ РОССИЮ, быть конкурентноспособными на международном рынке труда, делать, что должно, и будь, что будет
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201 Knockout Answers to Tough Interview Questions: The Ultimate Guide to Handling the New Competency-Based Interview Style By Linda Matias Publisher: Amacom 2010 | 224 Pages | ISBN: 0814415008 | PDF | 1 MB
Increasingly, employers today are using a tough new kind of interview to evaluate candidates and determine how well they think on their feet. To be successful in these new competency-based interviews, job seekers must be prepared with situation-specific examples that highlight the accomplishments, knowledge, and abilities they have that employers need. Featuring a plethora of sample questions and winning answers. This indispensable guide features fill-in-the-blank exercises readers can use to prepare themselves to demonstrate sought-after competencies and wow potential employers. It’s a powerful book no job seeker should be without.
About the Author Linda Matias runs CareerStrides, a career consulting firm. She coaches clients on effective interview techniques. A former president of the National Resume Writers Association, her syndicated column appears on sites including CareerKnowHow.com, JobSeekerAdvice.com, and others. She also writes a column and produces a podcast for the YouTube channel CareerStrides and is the author of How to Say It® Job Interviews.
A revolution is brewing in Vladimir Putin's Russia. The chickens of his incompetence and shameless artifice are finally coming home to roost. Now, he has only neo-Soviet brutality to fall back upon. How long that will maintain him, only the likes of Barack Obama can say.
The Bruce Springsteen of Russia, Yuri Shevchuk of the seminal rock band DDT, recently launched into an unprecedented, of the Putin regime from the stage of one of Russia's most prestigious arenas. A video of the speech went viral and has already been viewed nearly 200,000 times and received over 500 comments.
Then an surfaced, attracting the support of virtually every significant opposition leader, and it too went viral. The call: Putin must go, now and permanently. The websites hosting the petitions were soon under furious attack from Putin's army of hackers.
Russians have good reasons to despise the increasingly neo-Soviet regime that Putin, a proud KGB spy, has created. And despite the shameful lack of support from Barack Obama and other craven Western leaders, they have good reason to be brave enough to challenge him.
When he came to power two years ago, Russia's so-called «president» Dmitri Medvedev (in reality nothing more than Putin's puppet) promised that he would bring a new level of fairness to Russia's infamously corrupt electoral process. But exactly the opposite has happened. A Russian court has Russia's most salient opposition party, Yabloko, from taking part in the next round of elections in the Russian regions. The court upheld the actions of local political leaders who rejected electoral petitions simply because they ".»
Grigori Melkonyants, deputy director of Russia's only independent election monitoring-organization, : «The most important thing for officials is to get the necessary results.»
Fairer elections are not the only campaign promise on which Medvedev has failed to deliver.
According to the international accounting firm PricewaterhouseCoopers, in 2007, when Medvedev took power, experienced economic crime.
In response, Medvedev announced a major new initiative cracking down on corruption. Yet two years later, PWC reported that were now being victimized by economic crime. In other words, as a result of Mededev's initiative to reduce economic crime, it increased by a shocking 20%.
Transparency International also releases a global survey of corruption, a broader index that surveys more countries across a wider spectrum of economic and political ills. In 2007, Russia ranked out of 180 countries surveyed. One would not have thought that the country could get any worse. But two years later, Medvedev's Russia .
Don't take my word for it; listen instead to former Russian parliamentarian Vladimir Ryzhkov, who calls Medvedev's performance .» Ryzhkov points to a survey by the World Economic Forum which shows that Russia significantly deteriorated in global competitiveness during Medvedev's first two years in office, ranking a woeful 63rd out of 133 nations surveyed, including a massive drop in the quality of the justice system (another pet project of Medvedev's). A study by the World Bank, Ryzhkov says, confirmed that domestic business conditions have significantly worsened, with Russia ranking 120 out of 180 countries surveyed.
In a brutal and , veteran Russia correspondents Owen Matthews and Anna Nemtsova of Newsweek concluded that Medvedev is a «phony liberal» both because his promised reforms were only skin-deep façades and because he continues to serve not as the genuine ruler of Russia, but as a front for KGB strongman Vladimir Putin. Putin refers to Medvedev, the reporters say, with the pronoun «ty» that is used for children and underlings, while Medvedev refers to Putin with the respectful pronoun «vy.»
Last week, the Russian newspaper Trud that Medvedev planned to create his own political party, to «rival» the United Russia party created by Putin, who now serves as «prime minister» after term limits forced him out. Given that it's Medvedev who supposedly rules the nation after being elected on the United Russia ticket as Putin's handpicked successor, it seems odd that it is Medvedev, not Putin, who is forming the new party. If the two run against each other in 2012, when Putin is allowed back into office, Medvedev will be at a clear disadvantage.
But it's not the least bit odd if you understand that Medvedev's «presidency» is a sham. As the head of a new «party» that represents freedom and democracy, Medvedev can be presented as an entirely viable candidate to the West. Then, when Putin crushes him, he not only proves that Russia has a real democracy, but that Russians don't want democracy. Instead, they'll appear to want the Soviet-style dictatorship that Putin has long been forming.
It's actually quite a brilliant scheme on Putin's part. Putin is likely delighted to see that Russia's performance has become even worse under Medvedev because it gives him the chance to further justify a return to power. Never mind that under Putin's two terms, Russia's scores dropped enough to lag behind some of the most lawless African states. Putin can claim that he is once again riding to Russia's rescue.
The scheme can work only because of the poor excuse for leadership being provided by the Obama administration, which has and which has remained silent despite the opportunity to speak out for freedom that the Kremlin's ongoing failure has presented.
Obama's State Department a human rights report that scathingly condemned Russia for state-sponsored kidnapping, torture, and murder in the Caucasus region, and of liquidating reporters who try to tell the tale. Yet Obama himself has remained silent and chosen to ignore the fraudulent nature of Russia's government. Instead of seeking to reset Russia's neo-Soviet decline, Obama has suggested resetting only U.S. attitudes towards Russia, in other words appeasement.
That means it's up to others, especially the leaders of the Republican Party, to show solidarity with the brave Russians who now seek to stop their country's slide into neo-Soviet oblivion.
Kim Zigfeld blogs on Russia at and writes the Russia column for . She can be reached by e-mail at.
Increasingly, battle lines are being drawn in Russia. Yesterday, an calling for Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's removal from power and it has been signed by virtually all active members of the Russian political opposition and a growing rank of ordinary citizens.
The sites where the petition has been posted ( and ) have been frequently inaccessible today, so The Power Vertical decided to translate the entire manifesto in full for the record. It represents a clear and impassioned presentation of the opposition's indictment against Putin. And, by focussing dissent so personally and directly on Putin himself, the authors of the declaration could be significantly raising the odds of a violent crackdown.
Here is the anti-Putin manifesto in its entirety:
Citizens of Russia! The recognition that the ruling elite has led our country into a historical dead end has prompted us to issue this statement.
The transfer of virtually unlimited power by the [Yeltsin-era] Family, which was trying to guarantee its own security, to a man of dubious reputation who was distinguished neither by talent nor by the requisite life or professional experience has resulted predictably in the serious degradation of all institutions of state governance.
Even a significant portion of the ruling “elite” feels that a change is necessary, as attested by the loud reaction to [President Dmitry Medvedev’s] opus “Forward, Russia!” But Medvedev’s modernization project bears a distinctly artificial character and is aimed at a single goal – to redo the decorations while maintaining the nature of an authoritatian-kleptocratic regime.
We state that the sociopolitical construction that is killing Russia and has now bound the citizens of our country has one architect, one custodian, and one guardian. His name is Vladimir Putin.
We declare that no essential reforms can be carried out in Russia today as long as Putin controls real power in the country.
We declare that the dismantling of the Putin regime and the return of Russia to the path of democratic development can only begin when Putin has been deprived of all levers of managing the state and society.
We declare that during the years of his rule, Putin has become the symbol of corrupt and unpredictable country that is pitiless in its treatment of its own citizenry. It is a country in which citizens have no rights and are for the most part in poverty. It is a country without ideals and without a future.
If, as the Kremlin propagandists love to repeat, Russia was on its knees during the Yeltsin period, then Putin and his minions have pushed its face into the filth.
In the filth of the authorities’ contempt we find not only individual rights and freedoms, but human life itself as well.
In the filth of a false and feeble imitation of political and social institutions – from the bureaucratic phantom of United Russia to the Nazi-like Putin Youth.
In the filth of soul- and mind-warping televised obscurantism that is turning one of the most educated nations in the world into a soulless, amoral mob.
In the filth of total thievery and corruption emanating from the very pinnacle of Russian power. If not for the years in which Putin roamed the galleries of the Kremlin, the billionaires of his inner circle –Abramovich, Timchenko, the Kovalchuks, Rotenberg – would not exist. Nor would the parasitical state corporations of his friends – these black holes of the Russian economy.
Having begun his rise to power with the epical statement about “wiping them out in their outhouses,” Putin over the course of nearly 11 years has used this universal “tool” of ruling the country, and it has proven particularly effective in regard to his political opponents and business competitors.
Any political, social, or economic dissent is immediately suppressed: in the best cases, by administrative restrictions, but often by the bully clubs of the riot police, by criminal prosecution, by physical violence, and even by murder. Putin has proven that he is willing to destroy his personal opponents by any means available.
During the time that Putin has been at the pinnacle of state power, everything that could be ruined has been ruined. Pension and administrative reforms have been undone. There has been no reform of the armed forces, the secret services, or the law enforcement and judicial systems. The health-care system remains in its previous, pathetic condition.
The decline of education and science, which has been farmed out to the Ozero cooperative group, has reached the point where the “titans” of Russian scientific thought must be considered people like Petrik and Gryzlov.
Ten whole years have been lost – years when a boom in hydrocarbon and metals prices could have been used to modernize the country and carry out a structural reorganization of the economy. That is why the blow of the global economic crisis hit Russia so mercilessly, and it is far from over for us.
Having been named prime minister by Yeltsin, Putin not only was unable to correct the fatal mistakes made by his predecessors and put out the flames in the Caucasus, but his policies managed to raise that conflict to a new level that is capable of destroying the integrity of the country.
The “Kursk,” the Nord-ost theater, Beslan, the tens of thousands who died in the internecine second Cacasus war, the thousands who have lost their lives in infrastructure disasters, who burned in homes for the elderly and the handicapped that were unfit for human habitation, the dozens of murdered journalists and human rights activists and political opponents of the regime, and the ordinary victims of sadistic police lawlessness – these are the gravestones of the years of Putin’s rule.
These are the unexposed secrets of the Putin regime: the [1999] entry of [Shamil] Basayev into Daghestan; the explosions of apartment buildings in Moscow and Volgodonsk; the so-called training exercise in Ryazan.
People have long since stopped being surprised by Putin’s incapacity for strategic thinking. He is unable to see what the world will be like in 10—15 years and what place Russia can and must occupy in it. He is not capable of evaluating the real threats and risks facing the country, and that means he is in no position to correctly plan possible moves or identify potential allies and rivals.
A clear illustration of these short-sighted polices are the recent surrender agreements with China, in which Putin lightly erased the Russian Far East and Siberia off the map.
Further evidence of Putin’s lack of understanding of the future is his maniacal passion to build gas and oil pipelines in all thinkable and unthinkable directions; his initiation of expensive, ambitious projects (like the Sochi Olympics and the bridge to Russian Island), which are absolutely wrong for a country in which a large portion of the population lives below the poverty line.
Having temporarily moved form the presidential chair to the prime minister’s offices and having left in the Kremlin an obedient placeholder who is “of the same blood” – a modern Simeon Bekbulatovich – Putin has created an openly unconstitutional construction for governing the country for life.
It is obvious that Putin will never voluntarily relinquish power in Russia. His fierce intention to rule for life is no longer based on a thirst for power itself so much as on the fear of being held responsible for what he has done. For the Russian people, this is humiliating. But for the country it is fatally dangerous to have a ruler like Putin. This is a cross that Russia can bear no longer.
As the Putin grouping feels it the ground falling from under its feet, it could at any moment move from targeted repression to mass repression. We are warning law enforcement and security agency officers not to stand against their nation, not to carry out criminal orders from corrupt officials when they send you out to kill us for Putin, Sechin, and Deripaska.
Now the national demand at demonstrations from Vladivostok to Kaliningrad must be the call “Putin Must Go!” Ridding ourselves of Putinism is the first, obligatory step on the path to a new, free Russia.